Here is the full text of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's remarks to Congress today:
Thank you...
... Speaker of the House John Boehner, President Pro Tem Senator
Orrin Hatch, Senator
Minority -- Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, House
Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, and House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy.
I also want to acknowledge Senator, Democratic Leader Harry Reid. Harry, it's good to see you back on your feet.
I guess it's true what they say, you can't keep a good man down.
My friends, I'm deeply humbled by the opportunity to speak for a
third time before the most important legislative body in the world, the
U.S. Congress.
I want to thank you all for being here today. I know that my speech
has been the subject of much controversy. I deeply regret that some
perceive my being here as political. That was never my intention.
I want to thank you, Democrats and Republicans, for your common support for Israel, year after year, decade after decade.
I know that no matter on which side of the aisle you sit, you stand with Israel.
The remarkable alliance between Israel and the United States has
always been above politics. It must always remain above politics.
Because America and Israel, we share a common destiny, the destiny of
promised lands that cherish freedom and offer hope. Israel is grateful
for the support of American -- of America's people and of America's
presidents, from Harry Truman to Barack Obama.
We appreciate all that President Obama has done for Israel.
Now, some of that is widely known.
Some of that is widely known, like strengthening security cooperation
and intelligence sharing, opposing anti-Israel resolutions at the U.N.
Some of what the president has done for Israel is less well- known.
I called him in 2010 when we had the Carmel forest fire, and he immediately agreed to respond to my request for urgent aid.
In 2011, we had our embassy in Cairo under siege, and again, he provided vital assistance at the crucial moment.
Or his support for more missile interceptors during our operation last summer when we took on Hamas terrorists.
In each of those moments, I called the president, and he was there.
And some of what the president has done for Israel might never be
known, because it touches on some of the most sensitive and strategic
issues that arise between an American president and an Israeli prime
minister.
But I know it, and I will always be grateful to President Obama for
that support. And Israel is grateful to you, the American Congress, for
your support, for supporting us in so many ways, especially in generous
military assistance and missile defense, including Iron Dome. Last
summer, millions of Israelis were protected from thousands of Hamas
rockets because this capital dome helped build our Iron Dome. Thank you,
America. Thank you for everything you've done for Israel.
My friends, I've come here today because, as prime minister of
Israel, I feel a profound obligation to speak to you about an issue that
could well threaten the survival of my country and the future of my
people: Iran's quest for nuclear weapons. We're an ancient people. In
our nearly 4,000 years of history, many have tried repeatedly to destroy
the Jewish people. Tomorrow night, on the Jewish holiday of Purim,
we'll read the Book of Esther. We'll read of a powerful Persian viceroy
named Haman, who plotted to destroy the Jewish people some 2,500 years
ago. But a courageous Jewish woman, Queen Esther, exposed the plot and
gave for the Jewish people the right to defend themselves against their
enemies.
The plot was foiled. Our people were saved. Today the Jewish people
face another attempt by yet another Persian potentate to destroy us.
Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei spews the oldest hatred, the
oldest hatred of anti-Semitism with the newest technology. He tweets
that Israel must be annihilated -- he tweets. You know, in Iran, there
isn't exactly free Internet. But he tweets in English that Israel must
be destroyed. For those who believe that Iran threatens the Jewish
state, but not the Jewish people, listen to Hassan Nasrallah, the leader
of Hezbollah, Iran's chief terrorist proxy. He said: If all the Jews
gather in Israel, it will save us the trouble of chasing them down
around the world. But Iran's regime is not merely a Jewish problem, any
more than the Nazi regime was merely a Jewish problem. The 6 million
Jews murdered by the Nazis were but a fraction of the 60 million people
killed in World War II. So, too, Iran's regime poses a grave threat, not
only to Israel, but also the peace of the entire world. To understand
just how dangerous Iran would be with nuclear weapons, we must fully
understand the nature of the regime.
The people of Iran are very talented people. They're heirs to one of
the world's great civilizations. But in 1979, they were hijacked by
religious zealots -- religious zealots who imposed on them immediately a
dark and brutal dictatorship. That year, the zealots drafted a
constitution, a new one for Iran. It directed the revolutionary guards
not only to protect Iran's borders, but also to fulfill the ideological
mission of jihad. The regime's founder, Ayatollah Khomeini, exhorted his
followers to "export the revolution throughout the world." I'm standing
here in Washington, D.C. and the difference is so stark. America's
founding document promises life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
Iran's founding document pledges death, tyranny, and the pursuit of
jihad. And as states are collapsing across the Middle East, Iran is
charging into the void to do just that. Iran's goons in Gaza, its
lackeys in Lebanon, its revolutionary guards on the Golan Heights are
clutching Israel with three tentacles of terror. Backed by Iran, Assad
is slaughtering Syrians. Back by Iran, Shiite militias are rampaging
through Iraq. Back by Iran, Houthis are seizing control of Yemen,
threatening the strategic straits at the mouth of the Red Sea. Along
with the Straits of Hormuz, that would give Iran a second choke-point on
the world's oil supply.
Just last week, near Hormuz, Iran carried out a military exercise
blowing up a mock U.S. aircraft carrier. That's just last week, while
they're having nuclear talks with the United States. But unfortunately,
for the last 36 years, Iran's attacks against the United States have
been anything but mock. And the targets have been all too real. Iran
took dozens of Americans hostage in Tehran, murdered hundreds of
American soldiers, Marines, in Beirut, and was responsible for killing
and maiming thousands of American service men and women in Iraq and
Afghanistan. Beyond the Middle East, Iran attacks America and its allies
through its global terror network. It blew up the Jewish community
center and the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires. It helped Al Qaida bomb
U.S. embassies in Africa. It even attempted to assassinate the Saudi
ambassador, right here in Washington, D.C. In the Middle East, Iran now
dominates four Arab capitals, Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut and Sanaa. And
if Iran's aggression is left unchecked, more will surely follow. So, at a
time when many hope that Iran will join the community of nations, Iran
is busy gobbling up the nations. We must all stand together to stop
Iran's march of conquest, subjugation and terror. Now, two years ago, we
were told to give President Rouhani and Foreign Minister Zarif a chance
to bring change and moderation to Iran. Some change! Some moderation!
Rouhani's government hangs gays, persecutes Christians, jails
journalists and executes even more prisoners than before. Last year, the
same Zarif who charms Western diplomats laid a wreath at the grave of
Imad Mughniyeh. Imad Mughniyeh is the terrorist mastermind who spilled
more American blood than any other terrorist besides Osama bin Laden.
I'd like to see someone ask him a question about that. Iran's regime is
as radical as ever, its cries of "Death to America," that same America
that it calls the "Great Satan," as loud as ever. Now, this shouldn't be
surprising, because the ideology of Iran's revolutionary regime is
deeply rooted in militant Islam, and that's why this regime will always
be an enemy of America. Don't be fooled. The battle between Iran and
ISIS doesn't turn Iran into a friend of America. Iran and ISIS are
competing for the crown of militant Islam. One calls itself the Islamic
Republic. The other calls itself the Islamic State. Both want to impose a
militant Islamic empire first on the region and then on the entire
world. They just disagree among themselves who will be the ruler of that
empire. In this deadly game of thrones, there's no place for America or
for Israel, no peace for Christians, Jews or Muslims who don't share
the Islamist medieval creed, no rights for women, no freedom for anyone.
So when it comes to Iran and ISIS, the enemy of your enemy is your
enemy. The difference is that ISIS is armed with butcher knives,
captured weapons and YouTube, whereas Iran could soon be armed with
intercontinental ballistic missiles and nuclear bombs. We must always
remember -- I'll say it one more time -- the greatest dangers facing our
world is the marriage of militant Islam with nuclear weapons. To defeat
ISIS and let Iran get nuclear weapons would be to win the battle, but
lose the war. We can't let that happen. But that, my friends, is exactly
what could happen, if the deal now being negotiated is accepted by
Iran. That deal will not prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons.
It would all but guarantee that Iran gets those weapons, lots of them.
Let me explain why. While the final deal has not yet been signed,
certain elements of any potential deal are now a matter of public
record. You don't need intelligence agencies and secret information to
know this. You can Google it.
Absent a dramatic change, we know for sure that any deal with Iran
will include two major concessions to Iran. The first major concession
would leave Iran with a vast nuclear infrastructure, providing it with a
short break-out time to the bomb. Break-out time is the time it takes
to amass enough weapons-grade uranium or plutonium for a nuclear bomb.
According to the deal, not a single nuclear facility would be
demolished. Thousands of centrifuges used to enrich uranium would be
left spinning. Thousands more would be temporarily disconnected, but not
destroyed. Because Iran's nuclear program would be left largely intact,
Iran's break-out time would be very short -- about a year by U.S.
assessment, even shorter by Israel's. And if -- if Iran's work on
advanced centrifuges, faster and faster centrifuges, is not stopped,
that break-out time could still be shorter, a lot shorter. True, certain
restrictions would be imposed on Iran's nuclear program and Iran's
adherence to those restrictions would be supervised by international
inspectors. But here's the problem. You see, inspectors document
violations; they don't stop them. Inspectors knew when North Korea broke
to the bomb, but that didn't stop anything. North Korea turned off the
cameras, kicked out the inspectors. Within a few years, it got the bomb.
Now, we're warned that within five years North Korea could have an
arsenal of 100 nuclear bombs. Like North Korea, Iran, too, has defied
international inspectors. It's done that on at least three separate
occasions -- 2005, 2006, 2010. Like North Korea, Iran broke the locks,
shut off the cameras.
Now, I know this is not gonna come a shock -- as a shock to any of
you, but Iran not only defies inspectors, it also plays a pretty good
game of hide-and-cheat with them. The U.N.'s nuclear watchdog agency,
the IAEA, said again yesterday that Iran still refuses to come clean
about its military nuclear program. Iran was also caught -- caught
twice, not once, twice -- operating secret nuclear facilities in Natanz
and Qom, facilities that inspectors didn't even know existed. Right
now, Iran could be hiding nuclear facilities that we don't know about,
the U.S. and Israel. As the former head of inspections for the IAEA said
in 2013, he said, "If there's no undeclared installation today in Iran,
it will be the first time in 20 years that it doesn't have one." Iran
has proven time and again that it cannot be trusted. And that's why the
first major concession is a source of great concern. It leaves Iran with
a vast nuclear infrastructure and relies on inspectors to prevent a
breakout. That concession creates a real danger that Iran could get to
the bomb by violating the deal. But the second major concession creates
an even greater danger that Iran could get to the bomb by keeping the
deal. Because virtually all the restrictions on Iran's nuclear program
will automatically expire in about a decade.
Now, a decade may seem like a long time in political life, but it's
the blink of an eye in the life of a nation. It's a blink of an eye in
the life of our children. We all have a responsibility to consider what
will happen when Iran's nuclear capabilities are virtually unrestricted
and all the sanctions will have been lifted. Iran would then be free to
build a huge nuclear capacity that could product many, many nuclear
bombs. Iran's Supreme Leader says that openly. He says, Iran plans to
have 190,000 centrifuges, not 6,000 or even the 19,000 that Iran has
today, but 10 times that amount -- 190,000 centrifuges enriching
uranium. With this massive capacity, Iran could make the fuel for an
entire nuclear arsenal and this in a matter of weeks, once it makes that
decision. My long-time friend, John Kerry, Secretary of State,
confirmed last week that Iran could legitimately possess that massive
centrifuge capacity when the deal expires. Now I want you to think
about that. The foremost sponsor of global terrorism could be weeks away
from having enough enriched uranium for an entire arsenal of nuclear
weapons and this with full international legitimacy. And by the way, if
Iran's Intercontinental Ballistic Missile program is not part of the
deal, and so far, Iran refuses to even put it on the negotiating table.
Well, Iran could have the means to deliver that nuclear arsenal to the
far-reach corners of the earth, including to every part of the United
States.
So you see, my friends, this deal has two major concessions: one,
leaving Iran with a vast nuclear program and two, lifting the
restrictions on that program in about a decade. That's why this deal is
so bad. It doesn't block Iran's path to the bomb; it paves Iran's path
to the bomb. So why would anyone make this deal? Because they hope that
Iran will change for the better in the coming years, or they believe
that the alternative to this deal is worse? Well, I disagree. I don't
believe that Iran's radical regime will change for the better after this
deal. This regime has been in power for 36 years, and its voracious
appetite for aggression grows with each passing year. This deal would
wet appetite -- would only wet Iran's appetite for more. Would Iran be
less aggressive when sanctions are removed and its economy is stronger?
If Iran is gobbling up four countries right now while it's under
sanctions, how many more countries will Iran devour when sanctions are
lifted? Would Iran fund less terrorism when it has mountains of cash
with which to fund more terrorism? Why should Iran's radical regime
change for the better when it can enjoy the best of both world's:
aggression abroad, prosperity at home? This is a question that everyone
asks in our region. Israel's neighbors -- Iran's neighbors know that
Iran will become even more aggressive and sponsor even more terrorism
when its economy is unshackled and it's been given a clear path to the
bomb.
And many of these neighbors say they'll respond by racing to get
nuclear weapons of their own. So this deal won't change Iran for the
better; it will only change the Middle East for the worse. A deal that's
supposed to prevent nuclear proliferation would instead spark a nuclear
arms race in the most dangerous part of the planet. This deal won't be a
farewell to arms. It would be a farewell to arms control. And the
Middle East would soon be crisscrossed by nuclear tripwires. A region
where small skirmishes can trigger big wars would turn into a nuclear
tinderbox. If anyone thinks -- if anyone thinks this deal kicks the can
down the road, think again. When we get down that road, we'll face a
much more dangerous Iran, a Middle East littered with nuclear bombs and a
countdown to a potential nuclear nightmare. Ladies and gentlemen, I've
come here today to tell you we don't have to bet the security of the
world on the hope that Iran will change for the better. We don't have to
gamble with our future and with our children's future. We can insist
that restrictions on Iran's nuclear program not be lifted for as long as
Iran continues its aggression in the region and in the world. Before
lifting those restrictions, the world should demand that Iran do three
things. First, stop its aggression against its neighbors in the Middle
East. Second... Second, stop supporting terrorism around the world. And
third, stop threatening to annihilate my country, Israel, the one and
only Jewish state. Thank you. If the world powers are not prepared to
insist that Iran change its behavior before a deal is signed, at the
very least they should insist that Iran change its behavior before a
deal expires. If Iran changes its behavior, the restrictions would be
lifted. If Iran doesn't change its behavior, the restrictions should not
be lifted. If Iran wants to be treated like a normal country, let it
act like a normal country. My friends, what about the argument that
there's no alternative to this deal, that Iran's nuclear know-how cannot
be erased, that its nuclear program is so advanced that the best we can
do is delay the inevitable, which is essentially what the proposed deal
seeks to do? Well, nuclear know-how without nuclear infrastructure
doesn't get you very much. A racecar driver without a car can't drive. A
pilot without a plan can't fly. Without thousands of centrifuges, tons
of enriched uranium or heavy water facilities, Iran can't make nuclear
weapons. Iran's nuclear program can be rolled back well-beyond the
current proposal by insisting on a better deal and keeping up the
pressure on a very vulnerable regime, especially given the recent
collapse in the price of oil.
Now, if Iran threatens to walk away from the table -- and this often
happens in a Persian bazaar -- call their bluff. They'll be back,
because they need the deal a lot more than you do. And by maintaining
the pressure on Iran and on those who do business with Iran, you have
the power to make them need it even more.
My friends, for over a year, we've been told that no deal is better
than a bad deal. Well, this is a bad deal. It's a very bad deal. We're
better off without it. Now we're being told that the only alternative to
this bad deal is war. That's just not true. The alternative to this
bad deal is a much better deal. A better deal that doesn't leave Iran
with a vast nuclear infrastructure and such a short break-out time. A
better deal that keeps the restrictions on Iran's nuclear program in
place until Iran's aggression ends. A better deal that won't give Iran
an easy path to the bomb. A better deal that Israel and its neighbors
may not like, but with which we could live, literally. And no country...
... no country has a greater stake -- no country has a greater stake
than Israel in a good deal that peacefully removes this threat. Ladies
and gentlemen, history has placed us at a fateful crossroads. We must
now choose between two paths. One path leads to a bad deal that will at
best curtail Iran's nuclear ambitions for a while, but it will
inexorably lead to a nuclear-armed Iran whose unbridled aggression will
inevitably lead to war.
The second path, however difficult, could lead to a much better deal,
that would prevent a nuclear-armed Iran, a nuclearized Middle East and
the horrific consequences of both to all of humanity. You don't have to
read Robert Frost to know. You have to live life to know that the
difficult path is usually the one less traveled, but it will make all
the difference for the future of my country, the security of the Middle
East and the peace of the world, the peace, we all desire. My friend,
standing up to Iran is not easy. Standing up to dark and murderous
regimes never is. With us today is Holocaust survivor and Nobel Prize
winner Elie Wiesel. Elie, your life and work inspires to give meaning
to the words, "never again." And I wish I could promise you, Elie, that
the lessons of history have been learned. I can only urge the leaders of
the world not to repeat the mistakes of the past. Not to sacrifice the
future for the present; not to ignore aggression in the hopes of gaining
an illusory peace. But I can guarantee you this, the days when the
Jewish people remained passive in the face of genocidal enemies, those
days are over. We are no longer scattered among the nations, powerless
to defend ourselves. We restored our sovereignty in our ancient home.
And the soldiers who defend our home have boundless courage. For the
first time in 100 generations, we, the Jewish people, can defend
ourselves. This is why -- this is why, as a prime minister of Israel, I
can promise you one more thing: Even if Israel has to stand alone,
Israel will stand. But I know that Israel does not stand alone. I know
that America stands with Israel. I know that you stand with Israel. You
stand with Israel, because you know that the story of Israel is not only
the story of the Jewish people but of the human spirit that refuses
again and again to succumb to history's horrors. Facing me right up
there in the gallery, overlooking all of us in this (inaudible) chamber
is the image of Moses. Moses led our people from slavery to the gates of
the Promised Land.
And before the people of Israel entered the land of Israel, Moses
gave us a message that has steeled our resolve for thousands of years. I
leave you with his message today, (SPEAKING IN HEBREW), "Be strong and
resolute, neither fear nor dread them." My friends, may Israel and
America always stand together, strong and resolute. May we neither fear
nor dread the challenges ahead. May we face the future with confidence,
strength and hope. May God bless the state of Israel and may God bless
the United States of America. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you
all. You're wonderful. Thank you, America. Thank you. Thank you.
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